Over half a century ago, Marxist philosophers from the Frankfurt School, Theodor W. Adorno and
Max Horkheimer, wrote that
the culture industry was negatively impacting our society. Not only does the industry eliminate consumers’ choices, but people passively consume mass-produced culture without critically questioning society. Their theory
remains relevant today, especially when examining globalization. Globalization
is not only the exchange of ideas and art but the penetration of markets. It
is commonly believed that brands enter foreign markets because of foreign
demand, but it seems to be the opposite. Brands create a foreign demand by
entering foreign markets.
Benjamin
R. Barber, in his book, Jihad
vs. McWorld, claims that our world democracy is threatened by the clash and
dialectic between Jihad and McWorld. He says, “Can it be that what Jihad and
McWorld have in common is anarchy: the absence of common will and that
conscious and collective human control under the guidance of law we call
democracy?” (48). Jihad-McWorld dialectic is based upon the idea that each
cannot survive without the other, and they exist by attacking and reinforcing
each other (49).
In an article published on
YaleGlobal Online, “Global
Brands Contend With Appreciation for the Local,” Bryant Simon contends that
fast-food brands such as McDonalds and Starbucks have contributed to the
consumer resistance towards global brands and the revival of local
establishments. Indications from our society would point to the consumers as
being the Jihadists that Barber described and that their opposition is the
conglomerates that Adorno and Horkheimer described. However, do these two groups fit their roles
exactly as these critical theorists described?
Is every consumer a Jihadist? In
history, there have been groups that have made it a point to resist popular
culture. The Amish are a present-day example of people who resist
modernization. In a way, American colonists can be considered jihadist; although
it was not their sole mission to do so, they resisted British mercantilism
through successful boycotts and campaigns. A recent Jihadist group could easily
be today’s ever-elusive hipsters.
However, in being anti-mainstream, they have become mainstream. This point
supports Adorno and Horkheimer’s theory, in that every sub-culture created
becomes mainstream simply by being offered by the market. A niche market can
become a global market.
What about the individuals who work
in the culture industry? They are part of the McWorldian conglomerates, yet
consume themselves. Can one individual belong to both McWorld and Jihad? Yes,
it’s true that not one individual is responsible for controlling McWorld, or
any aspect of a conglomerate. However, if someone is making executive decisions
about a company’s business strategy, are they not becoming one of the higher
officers in the army of McWorld? And at the same time, are they not people with
material goods?
How does the duality of these
individuals affect the dialectic? The Jihadists working for McWorld clearly
reinforce McWorld. As consumers, they are familiar with what people need in
their daily lives, what people are attracted to, and what will easily sell. By
being introspective, they can contribute to the business strategy of McWorld
and contribute to McWorld.
How the McWorldian job reinforces
the Jihad-self remains less clear. Perhaps the job does not reinforce the
Jihad-self, but rather, destroys it as Adorno and Horkheimer suggest. It
certainly takes away their consumer-choice for the product that their McWorldian
company produces.
But does it reinforce their
conviction as a consumer for other products? Perhaps. Participants in local-farming
and the demand for farm-to-table eateries have risen
in the past decade. However, even the movement has a name, the sustainable growth
movement, and is a popular new approach to food-consumption. By labeling it
and campaigning for it, the movement has become an enterprise of McWorld.
Still, aspects of the sustainable
growth movement remain Jihad. The movement that becomes popular through McDonalidization
advocates for a Jihadist-attitude towards factory farming.
In class, we discussed how McWorld
can be Jihad, and vice-versa. Therefore, I am convinced that everything and
everyone has a McWorldian mechanism and a Jihadist perspective on choice. Just
how Jihad and McWorld clash and threaten democracy, consumers and conglomerates
fight for control of the markets and ultimately, destroy choice.
Works Cited
Barber, Benjamin. “Jihad vs. McWorld.” The Atlantic: n. pag. Rpt. in Academic
Writing, Real World Topics. By
Michael Rectenwald and Lisa Carl.
N.p.: n.p., n.d. N. pag. PDF file.
I really enjoy your parallel between hipsters and the amish as jihadists resisting popular culture. It made your text much easier to understand when you include relatable examples to compare. It's interesting too to think that with the rise of McWorldian enterprises, consumers and small-conglomerates have been valuing more local and smaller businesses. It seems ironic that the rise of McDonaldization allows the rise of smaller businesses. I guess our society tends to value the non main stream version of things once they get tired of consuming too much from the main stream businesses. Loved your article!
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